The United States has raised the concerns of some allies in the region, who fear that its withdrawal from Afghanistan will be followed by similar withdrawals and reduced engagement with crises in the Arab World. US allies believe that US success, with the support of its allies, in the war against ISIS, the shift in the current administration’s focus to domestic issues, and growing concern in the US regarding the threat posed by Russia and China to US interests and national security, will all serve to encourage US disengagement from the region.

It appears that the Biden administration is aware of the nature of these concerns, and it therefore has recently tried to address them both by actions on the ground that contradict suggestions of a possible American withdrawal from the region, as well as by continued coordination and cooperation on various issues with allies in the region.

Numerous indicators

The American withdrawal from Afghanistan, and the ascent of the Taliban to power, have created new realities on the ground whose ramifications extend beyond that country, into other regions in which various world powers also have interests. Accordingly, the US administration has begun to reassure its allies that Washington has not retreated from its commitments, and that it is still concerned with confronting the challenges to its interests and the interests of its allies in the region. This was evidenced by several indicators, the most prominent of which are:

1. Affirming US commitment to engaging in the region: Acting US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Joey Hood expressed such commitment during an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper, on September 7th, in which he said: “Our commitment to the region is long-term and deep. Our security commitments are clear and strong,” adding that “the position of the United States of America on many issues in the Arab region is based primarily on its interests and the support of partners and allies.”
   
2. Deploying new military forces to deter Iran: At the same time when American reports speak of the redeployment of American forces present in a number of Arab countries to Asia, as part of US strategy to confront China’s rising influence, and the US has withdrawn defense systems from some Arab countries, the US Fifth Fleet on September 8^th , announced the deployment of  airborne, marine, and underwater pilotless drones, to the Arab region. These new weapons, which can be remotely operated are to be employed in deterring Iran, amid escalating tensions, and suspicions Iran was behind a drone attack on an Israeli oil tanker on July 29th. These tensions are escalating in the context of the stalled talks between Iran and the 4+1 group in Vienna, in which the United States is an indirect participant, regarding the revival of the 2015 nuclear agreement.
   
3. Strengthening consensus with Israel on the Vienna negotiations: During his first meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett at the White House on August 27, US President Joe Biden expressed relative agreement with Israeli reservations regarding the management of the Vienna talks with Iran, noting that his administration is prepared to adopt “other options” if diplomacy fails to curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions. A White House statement following the meeting between Biden and Bennett indicated that they reviewed the steps needed to deter and contain Iran’s regional behavior and agreed to commit to working constructively and to deepen cooperation to address all threats to Israel’s security from Iran or other actors. It was noteworthy that Washington was keen to include its former ambassador to Tel Aviv, Dan Shapiro, in American envoy to Iran Robert Malley’s team, where he will be responsible for contacts with Israel, as part of efforts to address its concerns about any potential deal with Iran in Vienna.
   
4. Imposing more sanctions on Tehran: After the US administration realized that easing sanctions on Iran would not increase its flexibility in the Vienna talks, it began to raise the level of sanctions once more. On September 3^rd , the US Department of  Treasury imposed sanctions on an Iranian intelligence network involved in targeting Iranian dissidents abroad, including an attempt to kidnap the American activist of Iranian origin, Masih Alinejad.
   
5. Multiple visits by US officials to the region: The period following the US withdrawal from Afghanistan witnessed multiple visits by the Secretary of State Anthony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin to several of Washington’s allies in the region. This came in parallel with the establishment of contacts between US officials and their counterparts in the region, to strengthen defense partnerships, affirming America’s commitment to the security and stability of the region.
   
6. Continued US military presence in Syria: Although the Biden administration withdrew US forces from Afghanistan and is shifting to an advisory role in Iraq after withdrawing US forces at the end of this year, US military operations in Syria have not changed.  US officials indicated that nearly 900 soldiers will remains in Syria to continue supporting and advising the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) militia that is fighting ISIS.
   
   It is of note that maintaining American presence in Syria was the focus of recent talks between Washington and the leaders of the Qasd militia. President of the Syrian Democratic Council Ilham Ahmed indicated on September 4^th   that she had informed acting US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Joy Hood that, “the continued presence of American forces is a basic guarantee for reaching political understandings.”
   

The above mentioned factors  indicate that a repeat of the Afghan scenario in the Arab region, especially in crisis countries, is open to question. It would also have serious repercussions, including  potentially enabling the expansion of terrorist organizations’ activities, and providing an opportunity for Washington’s opponents to move in order to fill the void resulting from its withdrawal.